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Further political reforms were planned for India after 1919. This was seen in the Round Table Conferences between 1930-1932 in which Indian political representatives were called on to submit proposals for political reforms. The Act of 1935 expanded the powers of elected ministers in the provincial councils. However, the Act stopped short of ‘dominion’ status for India as had been granted for Britain’s white colonies.

Nehru’s expressed his thoughts on the Act as follows:

JN: People in Britain start with entirely different premises from what we do in India. Inevitably we argue and we go on and on, on parallel lines. The problem as we see it is entirely different from the problem as they in Britain see it. Your people talk in terms of communities, castes, languages as the background of the Indian problem. Well, it is very extraordinary how people like even the Secretary of State for India are utterly ignorant of conditions in India. Inevitably they go in wrong channels. It is so difficult to change their background.

M.K. Gandhi, pictured with Jawaharlal Nehru and Abul Kalam Azad in Wardha, Maharashtra (1935)

Q: What do you think of the new Government of India Act?

JN: To me the Government of India Act is trivial because it does not touch a single problem of India. One of the biggest problems of India is unemployment. It is a tremendous problem – the rural class’ unemployment is appallingly high. You have no conception of it. I cannot estimate figures because millions are completely unemployed and scores of millions are partly employed. Tired old problems of unemployment is increasing. It began in its present form with almost the coming of the British, with the suppression of old forms of industry and introduction of new forms of modern industry. You cannot imagine the burden on the land. It is too great. The people cannot simply bear it. This problem of unemployment cannot be tackled through the new constitution. In the present conditions of India, it is desirable from economic and psychological points of view to solve this problem immediately.

The Congress or any other party in India is out to realise a certain ideal, not necessarily a political objective. They want to raise the standard of living and solve such other allied problems. How far they can do so effectively under the new constitution is the test of the usefulness of the Act. The two important problems which face India are the land problem and the industry problem. They cannot tackle these problems under the new constitution. We cannot move even our little finger to solve these problems. Under the present Act, and I mean the new one, every single vested interest is protected, it cannot be touched by any democratic council or assembly. His city of London, the British Government, the interests of Indian landlords, the Indian princes and even the interest of the Scottish Presbyterian Church in India are safeguarded under the constitution.

When there is no democratic outlet the question of working a constitution does not arise. A constitution presupposes a democratic constitution. In India the word ‘constitution’ is used freely and simply to mean what is legal for the time being, it means what the Viceroy thinks overnight and issues in the form of an ordinance the following morning. Take it from me that the term ‘constitutional activity’ is incorrectly applied in India. This distinction might be remembered…”

Source: The Tribune (8 February 1936), cited in Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, Vol. VII (B. R. Publishing Corporation: New Delhi, 1988), p. 79-83

The Round Table Conferences culminated in the Government of India Act of 1935 which provided greater political autonomy to Indians but was short of dominion status as was conferred on Britain’s white colonies in 1931 after the Imperial Conference of 1926 and 1930.

Nevertheless, the Act  allowed for provincial autonomy and political leadership of the provinces through elections. The franchise was also expanded although still far from a universal franchise. 35 million propertied Indians, 6 million of whom were women, and 10 million Dalits were amongst those that were eligible to vote.

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